Mr.
J.N. Mandal,
Minister for Law and Labour,
Government of Pakistan
On 8th October, 1950
My Dear Prime Minister,
It is with a heavy heart and a sense of utter
frustration at the failure of my
life-long mission to uplift the backward Hindu masses of East Bengal that I feel compelled to tender
resignation of my membership of your
Cabinet. It is proper that I should set forth in detail the reasons, which have prompted me to
take this decision in this important juncture
of the history of Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent.
(1) Before I narrate the remote and immediate
causes of my resignation, it may
be useful to give a short background of important events that have taken place during the period of
my co-operation with the League. Having been approached by a few prominent
League leaders of Bengal in February
1943, I agreed to work with them in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul
Haque Ministry in March 1943, with a party
of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.As, I agreed to co-operate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the
Muslim League Parliamentary party who formed
the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-operation was conditional on some specific terms in the such as the
inclusion of three Scheduled Caste
Ministers in the Cabinet, sanctioning of a sum of Rupees five lakhs (Rs. 500,000) as annual recurring
grant for the education of the Scheduled
Castes, and unqualified implementation of the communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment to
Government services.
(2) Apart from those terms, the principal
objectives that prompted me to
work in co-operation with Muslim League was, first that the economic interests of the Muslim in Bengal
generally were identical with those of
the Scheduled Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators and labourers, so were members of the Scheduled
Castes. One section of Muslims was fishermen,
so was a section of Scheduled Castes as well and, secondly, that the Scheduled Castes and Muslims
were both educationally backward. I was
persuaded that my co-operation with the League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking on a
wide scale of legislative and administrative
measures which, while promoting the mutual welfare of the vast bulk of Bengal's population and
undermining the foundations of vested interest
and privilege, would further the cause of communal peace and harmony. It may be mentioned here that
Khwaja Nazimuddin took three Scheduled
Caste Ministers in this Cabinet and appointed three Parliamentary Secretaries from amongst the members
of my community.
SUHRAWARDY MINISTRY
(3) After the general election held in March
1946, Mr. H.S. Suhrawardy became
the leader of the League Parliamentary Party and formed the League Ministry in April 1946. I was
the only Scheduled Caste member returned
to the Federation ticket. I was included in Mr. Suhrawardy's cabinet. The 16th day of August of
that year was observed as "The Direct Action
Day" by the Muslim League. It resulted, in a holocaust.. Hindus demanded my resignation from the
League ministry. My life was in peril. I began
to receive threatening letters almost every day. But I remained steadfast to my policy. Moreover, I
issued an appeal through our ournal "Jagaran"
to the Scheduled Caste people to keep themselves aloof from the bloody feud between the Congress
and the Muslim League even at the risk
of my life. I cannot but gratefully acknowledge the fact that I was saved from the wrath of infuriated
Hindu mobs by my Caste Hindu neighbours.
The "Noakhali Riot" followed the Calcutta carnage in October 1946. There, Hindus including Scheduled
Castes were killed and hundreds were converted
to Islam. Hindu women were raped and abducted. Members of my community also suffered loss of life
and property. Immediately after these
happenings, I visited Tipperah and Feni and saw some riot-affected areas. The terrible sufferings of
Hindus overwhelmed me with grief, but still
I continued the policy of co-operation with the Muslim League. Immediately after the massive Calcutta
Killing, a no-confidence motion was
moved against the Suhrawardy Ministry. It was only due to my efforts that the support of four Anglo-Indian
Members and four Scheduled Caste members
of the Assembly who had hitherto been with the Congress could be secured, but for which the Ministry
would have been defeated.
(4) In October 1946, most unexpectedly came to
me through Mr. Suhrawardy the
offer of a seat in the Interim Government of India. After a good deal of hesitation and being given
only one hour's time to take my final
decision, I consented to accept the offer subject to the condition only that I should be permitted to
resign if my leader, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
disapproved of my action. Fortunately, however, I received his approval in a telegram sent from
London. Before I left for Delhi to take over as
Law Member, I persuaded Mr. Suhrawardy, the then Chief Minister of Bengal, to agree to take two Ministers
in his Cabinet in my place and to appoint
two Parliamentary Secretaries from the Scheduled Caste Federation Group.
(5) I joined the Interim Government on November
1, 1946. After about a month when
I paid a visit to Calcutta, Mr. Suhrawardy apprised me of the communal tension in some parts of
East Bengal, especially in Gopalganj
Sub-division, where the Namasudras were in majority, being very high. He requested me to visit those areas
and address meetings of Muslims and
Namasudras. The fact was that Namasudras in those areas had made preparations for retaliation. I
addressed about a dozen of largely attended meetings.
The result was that Namasudras gave up the idea of retaliation. Thus an inevitable
dangerous communal disturbance was averted.
(6) After a few months, the British Government
made their June 3 Statement
(1947) embodying certain proposals for the partition of India. The whole country, especially the entire
non-Muslim India, was startled. For
the sake of truth I must admit that I had always considered the demand of Pakistan by the Muslim
League as a bargaining counter. Although I honestly
felt that in the context India as a whole Muslims had legitimate cause for grievance against
upper class Hindu chauvinism, I held the view
very strongly indeed that the creation of Pakistan would never solve the communal problem. On the
contrary, it would aggravate communal hatred
and bitterness. Besides, I maintained that it would not ameliorate the condition of Muslims in
Pakistan. The inevitable result of the partition
of the country would be to prolong, if not perpetuate, the poverty, illiteracy and miserable
condition of the toiling masses of both the
States. I further apprehended that Pakistan might turn to be one of the most backward and undeveloped
countries of the South East Asia region.
LAHORE RESOLLUTION
(7) I must make it clear that I have thought
that an attempt would be made, as
is being done at present, to develop Pakistan as a purely 'Islamic' State based on the Shariat
and the injunctions and formularies of Islam.
I presumed that it would be set up in all essentials after the pattern contemplated in the Muslim
League resolution adopted at Lahore on
March 23, 1940. That resolution stated inter alia that (1) "geographically contiguous areas
are demarcated into regions which should be constituted
with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are
numerically in majority as in the north-
Western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to constitute independent States in which the
Constituent units shall be autonomous and
sovereign " and (2) " adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the
Constitution for minorities in these
units and in these regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political,
administrative and other rights and interests
in consultation with them." Implicit in this formula were (a) that North western and eastern Muslim zones
should be constituted into two Independent
States, (b) that the constituent units of these States should be autonomous and sovereign,
(c) that minorities guarantee should be in
respect of rights as well as of interest and extend to every sphere of their lives, and (d) that Constitutional
provisions should be made in
these regards in consultation with the minorities themselves. I was fortified in my faith in this
resolution and the professions of the League
Leadership by the statement Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jonah was pleased to make on the 11th August
1947 as the President of the Constituent Assembly
giving solemn assurance of equal treatment for Hindus Muslims alike and calling upon them to
remember that they were all Pakistanis.
There was then no question of dividing the people on the basis of religion into full- fledged Muslim
citizens and gummies being under the perpetual
custody of the Islamic State and its Muslim citizens. Every one of these pledges is being flagrantly
violated apparently to your knowledge
and with your approval in complete disregard of the Quaid-e-Azam's wishes and sentiments and to the
detriment and humiliation of the minorities.
PARTITION OF BENGAL
(8) It may also be mentioned in this connection
that I was opposed to the
partition of Bengal. In launching a campaign in this regard I had to face not only tremendous resistance
from all quarters but also unspeakable
abuse, insult and dishonour. With great regret, I recollect those days when 32 crores of Hinduism
opposed my cations, but I remained undaunted
and unmoved in my loyalty to Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude that my appeal to 7 million Scheduled
Caste people of Pakistan evoked a ready
and enthusiastic response from them. They lent me their unstinted support sympathy and encouragement.
(9) After the establishment of Pakistan on
August 14, 1947 you formed the
Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin formed a provisional Cabinet for East Bengal.
On August 10, I had spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin
at Karachi and requested him to take 2 Scheduled Caste Ministers in the East Bengal Cabinet.
He promised to do the same sometime later.
What happened subsequently in this regard was a
record of unpleasant and
disappointing negotiations with you, Khwaja Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the present Chief Minister of
East Bengal. When I realised that Khwaja
Nazimuddin was avoiding the issue on this or that excuse, I became almost impatient and
exasperated, I further discussed the matter with the Presidents of the Pakistan Muslim
League and its East Bengal Branch.
Ultimately, I brought the matter to your notice. You were pleased to discuss the subject with Khwaja
Nazimuddin in my presence at your residence.
Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to take one Scheduled Caste Minister on his return to Dacca. As I had already
become skeptic about the assurance
of Khwaja Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite about the time limit. I insisted that he must act in this
regard within a month, failing which I
should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to the condition. But, alas! You did
not perhaps mean what you said. Khwaja
Nazimuddin did not keep his promise. After Mr. Nurul Amin had become the Chief Minister of East
Bengal, I again took up the matter with him.
He also followed the same old familiar tactics of evasion. When I again called your attention to his
matter prior to your visit to Dance in
1949, you were pleased to assure me that a Minority Minister would be appointed in East Bengal, and you
asked 2-3 names from me for consideration.
In stat deference to your wish, I sent you a note stating the Federation Group in the East Bengal
Assembly and suggesting three names. When
I made enquiries as to what had happened on your return from Dacca, you appeared to be very cold and only
remarked: "Let Nurul Amin return from
Delhi". After a few days I again pressed the matter.
ANTI-HINDU POLICY
(10) When the question of partition of Bengal
arose, the Scheduled Caste people
were alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of partition. Representation on their behalf were
made to Mr. Suhrawardy, the then Chief
Minister of Bengal who was pleased to issue a statement to the press declaring that none of the
rights and privileges hitherto enjoyed by the
Scheduled Caste people would be curtailed after partition and that they would not only continue to enjoy
the existing rights and privileges
but also receive additional advantages. This assurance was given by Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his
personal capacity but also in his capacity
as a Chief Minister of the League Ministry. To my utter regret it is to be stated that after partition,
particularly after the death of Quaid-e-Azam,
the Scheduled Castes have not received a fair deal in any matter. You will recollect that from
time to time I brought the grievances of
the Scheduled Castes to your notice. I explained to you on several occasions the nature of inefficient
administration in East Bengal. I made
serious charges against the police administration. I brought to your notice incidents of barbarous
atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous
grounds. I did not hesitate to bring to your notice the anti-Hindu policy pursued by the East
Bengal government especially the police administration
and a section of Muslim League leaders.
SOME INCIDENTS
(11) The first incident that shocked me took
place at a village called Digharkul
near Gopalganj where on the false complaint of a Muslim, brutal atrocities were committed on
the local Namasudras. The fact was that a
Muslim who was going in a boat attempted to throw his net to catch fish. A Namasudra who was already
there for the same purpose opposed to throwing
of the net in his front. This was followed by some altercations and the Muslim got annoyed who went to
a nearby Muslim village and made a
false complaint that he and a woman in his boat had been assaulted by the Namasudras. At the time, the
S.D.O. of Gopalganj was passing in a boat
through the canal who without making any enquiry accepted the complaint as true and sent armed
police to the spot to punish the Namasudra. The
armed police came and the local Muslims also joined them. They not only raided some houses of the
Namasudras but mercilessly beat both men and
women, destroyed their properties and took away valuables. The merciless beating of a pregnant woman
resulted in abortion on the spot. This
brutal action on the part of the local authority created panic over a large area.
(12) The second incident of police repression
took place in early part of 1949
under P.S. Gournadi in the district of Barisal. Here a quarrel took place between two groups of
members of a Union Board. One Group which
was in the good book of the Police conspired to punish the opponents on the plea of attack on the
Police Station, the O.C., Gournadi requisitioned
armed forces from headquarters. The Police, helped by the armed forces, then raided a large
number of houses in the area, took away valuable
properties, even from the houses of absentee-owners who were never in politics, far less in the
Communist Party. A large number of students
of many High English Schools were Communist suspects and unnecessarily harassed. This area
being very near to my native village, I was informed
of the incident. I wrote to the District Magistrate and the S.P. for an enquiry. A section of the
local people also prayed for an enquiry
by the S.D.O. But no enquiry was held. Even my letters to the District authorities were not
acknowledged. I then brought this matter to the
notice of the highest Authority in Pakistan, including yourself but to no avail.
WOMEN FOR MILITARY
(13) The atrocities perpetrated by the police
and military on the innocent
Hindus, especially the Scheduled Caste of Harbinger in the Dist. of Sleet deserve description. Innocent
men and women were brutally tortured,
some women ravished, their houses raided and properties looted by the police and the local Muslims.
Military pickets were posted in the area.
The military not only oppressed these people and took away stuffs forcibly from Hindus houses, but also
forced Hindus to send their women-folk
at night to the camp to satisfy the carnal desire of the military. This fact also I brought to your
notice. You assured me of a report on the
matter, but unfortunately no report was forthcoming.
(14) Then occurred the incident at Nachole in
the District of Rajshahi where in
the name of suppression of Communists not only the police but also the local Muslims in
collaboration with the police oppressed the Hindus
and looted their properties. The Santhals then crossed the border and came over to West Bengal. They
narrated the stories of atrocities wantonly
committed by the Muslims and the police.
(15) An instance of callous and cold-blooded
brutality is furnished by the
incident that took place on December 20, 1949 in Kalshira under P.S. Mollarhat in the District of
Khulna. What happened was that late at night
four constables raided the house of one Joydev Brahma in village Kalshira in search of some alleged
Communists. At the scent of the police,
half a dozen of young men, some of whom might have been Communists, escaped from the house. The police
constable entered into the house and assaulted
the wife of Joydev Brahma whose cry attracted her husband and a few companions who escaped from the
house. They became desperate, re-entered
the house, found 4 constables with one gun only. That perhaps might have encouraged the young men
who struck a blow on an armed constable
who died on the spot. The young men then attacked another constable when the other two ran away and raised
alarm which attracted some neighbouring people who came to their rescue. As
the incident took place before
sunrise when it was dark, the assailants fled with dead body before the villagers could come. The S.P. of
Khulna with a contingent of military
and armed police appeared on the scene in the afternoon of the following day. In the meantime, the
assailants fled and the intelligent neighbours
also fled away. But the bulk of the villagers remained in their houses, as they were absolutely
innocent and failed to realise the consequence
of the happening. Subsequently the innocents of the entire village encouraged the neighbouring
Muslims to take away their properties. A
number of persons were killed and men and women were forcibly converted. House- hold deities were
broken and places of worship desecrated and
destroyed. Several women were raped by the police, military and local Muslims. Thus a veritable hell was let
loose not only in the village of Kalshira
which is half miles in length with a large population, but also in a number of neighbouring Namasudra
villages. The village Kalshira was
never suspected by the authority to be a place of Communist activities. Another village called
Jhalardanga, which was at a distance of 3 miles
from Kalshira, was known to be a centre of Communist activities. This village was raided by a large
contingent of police on that day for hunt
of the alleged Communists, a number of whom fled away and took shelter in the aforesaid house of
village Kalshira which was considered to be a safe place for them.
(16) I visited Kalashira and one or two
neighboring villages on the 28th
February 1950. The S.P., Khulna and some of the prominent League leaders of the district were with me.
When I came to the village Kalshira, I
found the place desolate and in ruins. I was told in the presence of S.P.that there were 350 homesteads in
this village; of these, only three
had been spared and the rest had been demolished. Country boats and heads of cattle belonging to the
Namasudras had been all taken away. I reported
these facts to the Chief Minster, Chief Secretary and Inspector General of Police of East Bengal and
to you.
(17) It may be mentioned in this connection that
the news of this incident was
published in West Bengal Press and this created some unrest among the Hindus there. A number of
sufferers of Kalshira, both men and women,
homeless and destitute had also come to Calcutta and narrated the stories of their sufferings which
resulted in some communal disturbances
in West Bengal in the last part of January.
CAUSES OF THE FEBRUARY DISTURBANCE
(18) It must be noted that stories of a few
incidents of communal disturbance
that took place in West Bengal as a sort of repercussion of the incidents at Kalshira were published
in exaggerated form in the east Bengal
press. In the second week of February 1950 when the Budget Session of the East Bengal Assembly commenced,
the Congress Members sought permission
to move two-adjournment motion to discuss the situation created at Kalshira and Nachole. But the
motions were disallowed. The congress Member
walked out of the Assembly in protest. This action of the Hindu Members of the Assembly annoyed and
enraged not only the Ministers but also
the Muslim leaders and officials of the Province. This was perhaps one of the principal reasons for Dacca
and East Bengal riots in February
1950.
(19) It is significant that on February 10, 1950
at about 10 O'clock in the
morning a woman was painted with red to show that her breast was cut off in Calcutta riot, and was
taken round that East Bengal Secretariat
at Dacca. Immediately, the Government servants of the Secretariat struck work and came out in procession
raising slogans of revenge against the
Hindus. The procession began to swell as it passed over a distance of more than a mile. It ended in a
meeting at Victoria Park at about 12O'clock
in the noon where violent speeches against the Hindus were delivered by several speakers,
including officials. The fun of the whole show
was that while the employees of the Secretariat went out in procession, the chief Secretary of the
East Bengal Government was holding a conference
with his West Bengal counterpart in the same building to find out ways and means to stop communal
disturbances in the two Bengals.
OFFICIALS HELPED LOOTERS
(20) The riot started at about 1 p.m.
simultaneously all over the city. Arson,
looting of Hindu shops and houses and killing of Hindus, wherever they were found, commenced in
full swing in all parts of the city. I got
evidence even from the Muslims that arson and looting were committed even in the presence of high
police officials. Jewellery shops belonging
to the Hindus were looted in the presence of police officers. They not only did not attempt to stop loot,
but also helped the looters with advice
and direction. Unfortunately for me, I reached Dacca at 5 O'clock in the afternoon on the same
day, in Feb.10, 1950. To my utter dismay, I
had occasion to see and know things from close quarters. What I saw and learnt from first hand information
was simply staggering and heart-rending.
BACKGROUND OF THE RIOT
(21) The reasons for the Dacca riot were mainly
five:
(i) To punish the Hindus for the daring action
of their representatives in the
Assembly in their expression of protest by walking out of the Assembly when two adjournment motions
on Kashira and Nachole affairs were disallowed;
(ii) Dissensions and difference between the
Suhrawardy Group and the Nazimuddin
in the Parliamentary Party were becoming acute;
(iii) Apprehension of launching of a movement
for re-union of East and West
Bengal by both Hindu and Muslim leaders made the East Bengal Ministry and the Muslim League
nervous. They wanted to prevent such a move. They
thought that any large scale communal riot in East Bengal was sure to produce reactions in West Bengal
were Muslims might be killed. The result
of such riot in both East and East Bengal, it was believed, would prevent any movement for re-union of
Bengals.
(iv) Feeling of Antagonism between the Bengalee
Muslim and non-Bengalee Muslim in
East Bengal was gaining ground. This could only be prevented by creating hatred between Hindus and
Muslims of East Bengal. The language
question was also connected with it and
(v) The consequences of non-devaluation and
Indo-Pakistan trade deadlock to
the economy of East Bengal were being felt most acutely first in urban and rural areas and the Muslim
League members and officials wanted to
divert the attention of the Muslim masses from the impending economic breakdown by some sort of
jehad against Hindus.
STAGGERING DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED
(22) During my nine days' stay at Dacca , I
visited most of the riot-affected areas of the city and suburbs. I visited
Mirpur also under P.S.Tejgaon.
The news of the killing of hundreds of innocent Hindus in trains, on railway lines between Dacca
and Narayanganj, and Dacca and Chittagong
gave me the rudest shock. on the second day of Dacca riot, I met the Chief Minister of east Bengal and
requested him to issue immediate instructions
to the District authorities to take all precautionary measures to prevent spreading of the
riot in district towns and rural areas.
On the 20th February 1950, I reached Barisal town and was astounded to know of the happenings in Barisal.
In the District of Hindus killed. I
visited almost all riot-affected areas in the District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc wrought by
the Muslim rioters even at places like
Kasipur, Madhabpasha and Lakutia, which were within a radius of six miles from the District town and
were connected with motor able roads.
At the Madhabpasha Zaminder's house, about 200 people were killed and 40 injured. A Place, called Muladi,
witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi
Bandar alone, the number killed would total more than three hundred, as was reported tome by the local
Muslims including some officers. I visited
Muladi village also, where I found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I found dogs and vultures
eating corpses on the riverside. I got
the information there that after the whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the young girls were
distributed among the ringleaders of the
miscreants. At a place told Kaibartakhali under P.S. Rajapur, 63 persons were killed. Hindu houses
within a stone's throw distance from the
said Thana office were looted, burnt and inmates killed. All Hindu shops of Babuganj Bazar were looted
and then burnt and a large number of Hindus
were killed. From detailed information received, the conservative estimate of casualties
was placed at 2,500 killed in the District of Barisal
alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were estimated to be in the neighbourhood
of 10,000 killed. I was really overwhelmed
with grief. The lamentation of women and children who had lost their all including near and dear ones
melted my hearts. I only asked myself.
"What was coming to Pakistan in the name of lslam".
NO EARNEST DESIRE TO IMPLEMENT DELHI PACT
(23) The large-scale exodus of Hindus from
Bengal commenced in the latter
part of March. It appeared that within a short time all the Hindus would migrate to India. Aware cry was
raised in India. The situation became
extremely critical. A national calamity appeared to be inevitable. The apprehended disaster, however, was
avoided by the Delhi Agreement of
April 8. With a view to reviving the already lost morale of the panicky Hindus, I undertook an
extensive tour of East Bengal. I visited a number
of places in the districts of Dacca, Barisal, Faridpur, Khulna and Jessore. I addressed dozens of largely
attended meeting and asked the Hindus
to take courage and not to leave their ancestral hearths and homes. I had this expectation that the
East Bengal Govt. and Muslim League leaders
would implement the terms of the Delhi Agreement. But with the lapse of time, I began to realise that
neither the East Bengal Govt. nor
the Muslim League leaders were really earnest in the matter of implementation of the Delhi Agreement.
The East Bengal Govt. was not only much
to set up a machinery as envisaged in the Delhi Agreement, but also was not willing it take effective
steps for the purpose. A number of Hindus
who returned to native village immediately after the Delhi Agreement were not given possession of
their homes and lands, which were occupied
in the meantime by the Muslims.
MOULANA AKRAM KHAN'S INCITATIONS
(24) My suspicion about the intention of League
leaders was confirmed when I read
editorial comments by Moulana Akram Khan, the President of the Provincial Muslim League in the
"Baisak" issue of a monthly journal called
Mahammadi. In commenting on the first radio-broadcast of Dr. A.M. Malik, Minister for Minority
Affairs of Pakistan, from Dacca Radio Station,
wherein he said, "Even Prophet Mahammed had given religious freedom to the Jews in Arabia",
Moulana Akram Khan said, "Dr. Malik would have done well had he not made any
reference in his speech to the Jews of
Arabia. It is true that Jews in Arabia had been given religious freedom by Prophet Mahammed; but it
was the first chapter of the history. The
last chapter contains the definite direction of prophet Mahammed which runs as follows:-"Drive
away all the Jews out of Arabia". Even despite
this editorial comment of a person who held a very high position in the political, social and spiritual
life of the Muslim community, I entertained
some expectation that the Nurul Amin Ministry might not be so insincere. But that expectation of
mine was totally shattered when Mr. Nurul
Amin selected D.N. Barari as a Minister to represent the minorities in terms of the Delhi
Agreement which clearly states that to restore confidence in the mind of the minorities
one of their representatives will
be taken in the Ministry of East Bengal and West Bengal Govt.
NURUL AMIN GOVT'S. INSINCERITY
(25) In one of my public statement , I expressed
the view that appointment of D.N.
Barari as a Minister representing the minorities not only did not help restore any confidence,
but, on the contrary, destroyed all expectations
or illusion, if there was any in the minds of the minorities about the sincerity of Mr.
Nurul Amin Govt. my own reaction was that Mr.
Nurul Amin's Govt. was not only insincere but also wanted to defeat the principal objectives of the Delhi
Agreement. I again repeat that D.N.
Barari does not represent anybody except himself. He was returned to the Bengal Legislative Assembly on the
Congress ticket with the money and
organisation of the Congress. He opposed the Scheduled Caste Federation candidates. Some time after
his election, he betrayed the Congress and
joined the Federation. When he was appointed a Minister he had
ceased to be a member of the Federation too. I
know that East Bengal Hindus agree
with me that by antecedents, character and intellectual attainments Barari is not qualified to
hold the position of a Minister as envisaged
in the Delhi Agreement.
(26) I recommended three names to Mr. Nurul Amin
for this office. One of the
persons I recommended was an M.A., LL.B., Advocate, Dacca High Court. He was Minister for more than 4
years in the first Fazlul Huq Ministry
in Bengal. He was chairman of the Coal Mines Stowing Board, Calcutta, for about 6 years. He was
the senior Vice-President of the Scheduled
Caste Federation. My second nominee was a B.A.,LL.B. He was a member of the Legislative Council for 7 years
in the pre-reform regime. I would
like to know what earthly reasons there might be for Mr. Nurul Amin in not selecting any of these two
gentlemen and appointing instead a person
whose appointment as Minister I strongly objected to for very rightly considerations. Without any
fear of contradiction I can say that this
action of Mr. Nurul Amin in selecting Barari as a Minister in terms of the Delhi Agreement is conclusive
proof that East Bengal Govt. was neither
serious nor sincere in its profession about the terms of the Delhi Agreement whose main purpose is
to create such conditions as would enable
the Hindus to continue to live in East Bengal with a sense of security to their life, property,
honour and religion.
GOVT. PLAN TO SOUEEZE OUT HINDUS
(27) I would like to reiterate in this
connection my firm conviction that
East Bengal Govt. is still following the well-planned policy of squeezing Hindus out of the Province.
In my discussion with you on more than
one occasion, I gave expression to this view of mine. I must say that this policy of driving out Hindus from
Pakistan has succeeded completely
in West Pakistan and is nearing completion in East Pakistan too. The appointment of D.N. Barari as a
Minister and the East Bengal Government's
unceremonious objection to my recommendation in this regard strictly conform to name of what they call an
Islamic State. Pakistan has not given
the Hindus entire satisfaction and a full sense of security. They now want to get rid of the Hindu
intelligentsia so that the political, economic
and social life of Pakistan may not in any way be influenced by
them.
EVASIVE TACTICS TO SHELVE JOINT ELECTORATE
(28) I have failed to understand why the
question of electorate has not yet
been decided. It is now three years that the minority Sub-Committee has been appointed. It sat on three
occasions. The question of having joint
or separate electorate came up for consideration at a meeting of the Committee held in December last
when all the representatives of recognised
minorities in Pakistan expressed their view in support of joint Electorate with reservation of seats for
backward minorities. We, on behalf
of the Scheduled Castes think this matter again came up for consideration at a meeting called in
August last. But without any discussion whatsoever
on this point, the meeting was adjourned sine die. It is not difficult to understand what the
motive is behind this kind of evasive tactics
in regard to such a vital matter on the part of Pakistan's
rulers.
DISMAL FUTURE FOR HINDUS
(29) Coming now to the present condition and the
future of Hindus in East Bengal
as a result of the Delhi Agreement, I should say that the present condition is not only
unsatisfactory but absolutely hopeless and that
the future completely dark and dismal Confidence of Hindus in East Bengal has not been restored in the
least. The Agreement is treated as a
mere scrap of paper alike by the East Bengal Government and the Muslim League.
That a pretty large number of Hindu migrants,
mostly Scheduled Caste cultivators
are returning to East Bengal is no indication that confidence has been restored. It only indicates
that their stay and rehabilitation in
West Bengal, or elsewhere in the Indian Union have not been possible. The sufferings of refugee
life are compelling them to go back to their
homes. Besides, many of them are going back to bring movable articles and settle or dispose of immovable
properties. That no serious communal disturbance
has recently taken place in East Bengal is not to be attributed to the Delhi Agreement. It
could not simply continue even if there were
no Agreement or Pact.
(30) It must be admitted that the Delhi Pact was
not an end in itself. It was
intended that such conditions would be created as might effectively help resolve so many
disputes and conflict existing between India and
Pakistan. But during this period of six months after the Agreement, no dispute or conflict has readily
been resolved. On the contrary, communal
propaganda and anti-India propaganda by Pakistan both at home and abroad are continuing in full swing.
The observance of Kashmir Day by the
Muslim League all over Pakistan is an eloquent proof of communal anti-India propaganda by Pakistan. The
recent speech of the Governor of Punjab
(Pak) saying that Pakistan needed a strong Army for the security of Indian Muslims has betrayed the
real attitude of Pakistan towards India.
It will only increase the tensions between the two countries.
WHAT IS HAPPENING IN E. BENGAL TODAY
(31) What is to the condition in East Bengal?
About fifty lakhs of Hindus have
left since the partition of the country. Apart from the East Bengal riot of last February, the
reasons for such a large-scale exodus of
Hindus are many. The boycott by the Muslims of Hindu lawyers, medical practitioners, shopkeepers, traders
and merchants has compelled Hindus to
migrate to West Bengal in search of their means of livelihood. Wholesale requisition of Hindu houses
even without following due process of law
in many and non-payment of any rent whatsoever to the owners have compelled them to seek for Indian
Shelter, Payments rent to Hindu landlords
was stopped long before. Beside, the Ansars against whom I received complaints all over are a standing
menace to the safety and security of Hindus.
Interference in matters of education and methods adopted by the Educational Authority for Islamisation
frightened the teaching staff of Secondary
Schools and Colleges out of their old familiar moorings. They have left East Bengal. As a result,
most of the educational institutions
ago the Educational Authority issued circular to Secondary Schools enjoining compulsory participation of
teachers and student of all communities
in recitation from the Holy Koran before the school work commenced, Another circular requires
Headmasters of schools to name the different
blocks of the premises after 12 distinguished Muslims, such as, Jinnah, Iqbal, Liaquat Ali,
Nazimuddin, etc. Only very recently in an educational
conference held at Dacca, the President disclosed that out of 1,500 High English Schools in East
Bengal, only 500 were working. Owing to the
migration of medical practitioners there is hardly any means of proper treatment of patients. Almost
all the priests who used to worship the
household deities at Hindu houses have left. Important places of worship have been abandoned. The
result is that the Hindus of East Bengal have
got now hardly any means to follow religious pursuits and perform social ceremonies like marriage where
the services of a priest are essential.
Artisans who made images of goddesses have also left. Muslims have replaced Hindu Presidents of
Union Boards by coercive measures with the
active help and connivance of the police and Circle Officers. Muslims have replaced Hindu
Headmasters and Secretaries of Schools. The life of the few Hindu Govt. servants has
been made extremely miserable as many
of them have either been superseded by junior Muslims or dismissed without sufficient or any cause. Only
very recently a Hindu Public Prosecutor
of Chittagong was arbitrarily removed from service as has been made clear in a statement made by
Srijukta Nellie Sengupta against whom at
least no charge of anti-Muslim bias prejudice or malice can be leveled.
HINDUS VIRTUALLY OUTLAWED
(32) Commission of thefts and dacoities even
with murder is going on as before.
Thana office seldom record half the complaints made by the Hindus. That the abduction and rape of
Hindu girls have been reduced to a certain
extent is due only to the fact that there is no Caste Hindu girl between the ages of 12 and 30 living
in East Bengal at present. The few depressed
class girls who live in rural areas with their parents are not even spared by Muslim goondas. I
have received information about a number
of incidents of rape of Scheduled Castes Girls by Muslims.
Full payment is seldom made by Muslim buyers for
the price of jute and other
agricultural commodities sold by Hindus in market places. As a matter of fact, there is no operation
of law, justice or fair play in Pakistan,
so far as Hindus are concerned.
FORCED CONVERSIONS IN WEST PAKISTAN
(33) Leaving aside the question of East
Pakistan, let me now refer to West
Pakistan, especially Sind. The West Punjab had after partition about a lakh of Scheduled Castes
people. It may be noted that a large number
of them were converted to Islam. Only 4 out of a dozen Scheduled Castes girls abducted by Muslims have
yet been recovered in spite of repeated
petitions to the Authority. Names of those girls with names of their abductors were supplied to the
government. The last reply recently given
by the office-in- Charge of recovery of abducted girls said that "his function was to recover Hindu girls
and stat "Achuts" (Scheduled
Castes) were not Hindus". The condition of
the small number of Hindus that are
still living in Sind and Karachi, the capital of Pakistan, is simply deplorable. I have got a list of 363 Hindu
temples and gurudwaras of Karachi
and Sind (which is by no means an exhaustive list) which are still in possession of Muslims. Some
of the temples have been converted into
cobbler's shops, slaughterhouses and hotels. None of the Hindus has got back.
Possession of their landed properties were taken
away from them without any notice
and disturbed amongst refugees and local Muslims. I personally know that the Custodian
declared 200 to 300 Hindus non- evacuees a pretty
long time ago. But up till now properties have not been restored to any one of them. Even the
possession of Karachi Pinjra Pole has not been
restored to the trustees, although it was declared non-evacuee property some time ago. In Karachi I
had received petitions from many unfortunate
fathers and husbands of abducted Hindu girls, mostly Scheduled Castes. I Drew the attention of the
2nd Provisional Government to this fact.
There was little or no effect. To my extreme regret I received information that a large number of
Scheduled Castes who are still living in
Sind have been forcibly converted to Islam.
PAKISTAN 'ACCURSED' FOR HINDUS
(34) Now this being in brief the overall picture
of Pakistan so far as the Hindus
are concerned, I shall not be unjustified in stating that Hindus of Pakistan have to all intents
and purposes been rendered " Stateless
" in their own houses. They have no other fault than that they profess Hindu religion. Muslim League
leaders that Pakistan is and shall be
an Islamic State are repeatedly making declarations. Islam is being offered as the sovereign remedy for
all earthly evils. In the matchless dialectics
of capitalism and socialism you present the exhilarating democratic synthesis of Islamic
equality and fraternity. In that grand setting
of the Shariat Muslims alone are rulers while Hindus and other minorities are jimmies who are
entitled to protection at a price, and you know
more than anybody else Mr. Prime Minister, what that price is. After anxious and prolonged struggle I
have come to the conclusion that Pakistan
is no place for Hindus to live in and that their future is darkened by the ominous shadow of
conversion or liquidation. The bulk of the upper
class Hindus and politically conscious scheduled castes have left East Bengal. Those Hindus who will
continue to stay accursed promise and
for that matter in Pakistan will, I am afraid, by gradual stages and in a planned manner be either
converted to Islam or completely exterminated.
It is really amazing that a man of your education, culture and experience should be an exponent of a
doctrine fraught with so great a danger
to humanity and subversive of all principles of equality and good sense. I may tell you and your fellow
workers that Hindus will allow themselves,
whatever the threat or temptation, to be treated as Jimmies in the land of their birth. Today they
may, as indeed many of them have already
done, abandon their hearths and home in sorrow but in panic. Tomorrow they strive for their
rightful place in the economy of life. Who knows
what is in the womb of the future? When I am convinced that my continuance in office in the Pakistan
Central Government is not of any help
to Hindus I should not with a clear conscience, create the false impression in the minds of the Hindus
of Pakistan and peoples abroad that Hindus
can live there with honour and with a sense of security in respect of their life, property and
religion. This is about Hindus.
NO CIVIL LIBERTY EVEN FOR MUSLIMS
(35) And what about the Muslims who are outside
the charmed circle of the League
rulers and their corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy? There is hardly anything called civil
liberty in Pakistan. Witness for example,
the fate of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan then whom a more devout Muslim had not walked this earth for many years
and of his gallant patriotic brother
Dr. Khan Sahib. A large number of erstwhile League leaders of the Northwest and also of the Eastern belt
of Pakistan are in detention without
trial. Mr. Suhrawardy to whom is due in a large measure the League's triumph in Bengal is for practical
purposes a Pakistan prisoner who has to
move under permit and can't open his lips under orders. Mr. Fazzul Huq, that dearly loved grand old man
of Bengal, who was the author of that
now famous Lahore resolution, is ploughing his lonely furrow in the precincts of the Dacca High Court of
Judicature, and the so called Islamic
planning is as ruthless as it is complete. About the East Bengal Muslims generally, the less said the
better. They were promised at Lahore of
an independent State. They were promised of autonomous and sovereign units of the independent State. What
have they got instead? East Bengal has
been transformed into a colony of the western belt of Pakistan, although it contained a population,
which is larger than that of all the units
of Pakistan put together. It is a pale ineffective adjunct of Karachi doing the latte's bidding and
carrying out its orders. East Bengal Muslims
in their enthusiasm wanted bread and they have by the mysterious working of the Islamic
state and the Shariat got stone instead from the
arid deserts of Sind and the Punjab.
MY OWN SAD AND BITTER EXPERIENCE
(36) Leaving aside the overall picture of
Pakistan and the callous and cruel
injustice done to others, my own personal experience is no less sad, bitter and revealing. You used
your position as the Prime Minister and
leader of the Parliamentary Party to ask me to issue a statement, which I did on the 8th September last.
You know that I was not willing to
make a statement containing untruths and half-truths, which were worse those untruths. It was not
possible for me to reject your request so long
as I was there working as a Minister with you and under your leadership. But I can no longer afford
to carry this load of false pretensions
and untruth on my conscience and I have decided to offer my resignation as your Minister, which I
am hereby placing in your hands and which,
I hope, you will accept without delay. You are of course at liberty to dispense with that office or
dispose of it in such a manner as may suit
adequately and effectively the objectives of your Islamic State.
8th Oct. 1950
Yours Sincerely,
J. N. Mandal
