Noakhali Riots’ Relief Worker Reveals Untold Truth

Noakhali genocide, a series of Hindu massacres, originating in October 10, 1946, executed by the majority Muslim community in the Noakhali district in East Bengal in then Undivided India, and the savagery depicted there to give it a final shape, shocked the humanity across the globe. The incident that took place as a reaction to Muslim failure to persecute Hindus in Great Calcutta Killing and seize Calcutta, second city of the British Empire, stimulated local Muslims to commit this dastardly act. The domino effect of genocide sealed the fate of Undivided India forever.

The brutality in Noakhali attracted a worldwide condemnation and to calm down the tension Mahatma Gandhi along with his band of followers rushed there. The band included Ashoka Gupta, freedom fighter and also dedicated social worker.

Following are the excerpts of her interview taken a few years back.

(Individuals mentioned)

Rahman Sahib – a young government officer who helped the volunteers.

Sneharani Kanjilal – a dedicated social worker who responded to the call of Gandhiji and plunged into relief work in Noakhali.

Thakkar Bapa – A.V. Thakkar Bapa, General Secretary of Harijan Sevak Sangh. Member of Gandhiji’s team in Noakhali.

Prabhat – He was only 18-19 years old when he joined the relief team at Tumchar camp in Noakhali. Migrated to Assam after Partition.

Nellie Sengupta – British born wife of the famous patriot Deshapriya Jatindramohan Sengupta. A dedicated freedom fighter herself, she opted to stay in East Pakistan (Chattogram) after Partition. Migrated to Calcutta in 1970 and died in 1973.

Kasturi – daughter of Ashoka Gupta.)

AT last we reached Tumchar. I requested Rahman Sahib to stay on at the camp and also dine with us. He seemed embarrassed. Sneha and I patiently explained to him that as he was forced to stay back, he might as well share a meal with us. We were carrying a lot of cash and it was unsafe for us to travel at night. We would hand over the money to the proper people in the morning. I have thought many times about this extremely polite and modest young man. He must have stayed back in the newly formed Pakistan. His embarrassment that night at putting us to inconvenience by his presence still moves me.

The villagers were still wary about the ‘relief’ we were providing. They were suspicious too of the real intentions behind the relief provided by the government. The president of the Union Board was all-powerful. He had the power to grant or take away relief. This happened in the case of a young widow. He said, ‘Why does she need any aid? She will be looked after by her husband’s brothers.’ Yet her room had been burnt down, her cow slaughtered and the meat forced down the throats of people to prove that they were no longer Hindus. She was not childless too. She had a married daughter somewhere.

We had protested against this decision. The woman’s rights could not ultimately be denied and she was sanctioned some aid. Burnt tin, some new sheets of tin, some bamboo – these were all the material with which fresh huts were being built for the scheduled castes. All were worried, however, as to whether they would finally be able to stay back. Thakkar Bapa had written about these people when he had come here. These low caste Hindus were hardworking, peace loving and God-fearing. They were mentally ruined when their women were molested and were forced to change their religion. Those who stayed behind would tell us about the tortures inflicted upon them in soft voices. They did not dare to go to the police station to complain.

The Tumchar survey made a deep impression on me. We had been instructed to visit these scheduled caste villages by Gandhiji himself. He had also ordered us to follow the instructions of Thakkar Bapa. We had selected Tumchar as the base because the other target villages of Charmandal and Charuhita were only a few miles away. After that there were no other human settlements till the sea.

It will be better if I quote here from the memoirs of Thakkar Bapa. Of the two villages, Charmandal was the larger one. Many of the homes at these places were first plundered and then burnt down. Maybe 50-52 houses were not burnt down, but they had been looted. The loss of 301 houses in Charmandal and 57 houses in Charuhita would add up to about Rs 33,700. These were the homes of prosperous farmers. The poorer people had lost about Rs 1000 worth of their possessions. The total loss would add up to Rs 5,46,503, i.e. an average loss of Rs 1,745 per person.

Here at least 2000 Hindus were forced to change their religion, six were forced to marry by force and one was murdered. Even six weeks after the riots Thakkar Bapa had seen people keen to leave their homes and settle elsewhere. If they went to the local police station to complain, the policemen would harass them on some pretext or the other.

When I went to the camp to report to Thakkar Bapa, he smiled gently. ‘What is the Judge Sahib’s wife doing here?’ I complained to him that certain scheduled caste parties, who owed allegiance to the Muslim League, were trying to whip up mob frenzy in the wrong direction. I had enough evidence of their wrongdoing with me.

I had the same experience everywhere. Crossing by ferry, people would whisper to me and point out persons with prominent Red Cross badges on their armbands who had led the riots in certain villages. People were frightened. Once I took a couple to a police station to lodge a formal complaint. The woman was heavily veiled and spoke softly. Even two months after the riots, she was being taken away each night from her home by some men and returned at dawn.

These were common occurrences and none of them dared to protest. I gave them a lot of courage and brought them over to the Lakhshmipur police station to lodge their complaint. They were too frightened to speak. The officer-in-charge wanted them to give a written complaint duly signed. The woman could not stop weeping. If she gave her or her husbands’ name she would be cut up into pieces immediately. ‘Let us leave this land,’ she sobbed. Later, that family really left their home. I did not have the power to punish the guilty or protect the injured. We remained helpless spectators.

Thakkar Bapa stressed the fact that we must ensure the return not only of law and order, but also the self-confidence and the feeling of security in these people. That was what the government had to do. The then government had failed to do this. Inspite of the peace efforts of Gandhiji and thousands of his volunteers, this was not done. Those of us who were ordinary volunteers, tried to work with all classes of people and religious sects. We would pay the majority community well to carry the relief material to these poor people so that we could arouse a sense of fellow feeling and belonging in them. We went from home to home and spoke to the women of the injured families and distributed saris and baby food to them. Yet we could never win over their hearts.

In those villages which had been attacked, the Hindu inhabitants had not slept or eaten well for the last two months. They were also tremendously insecure about their future in this country. Going from door to door asking for relief, for work, these people had become thin and feeble. In an open competition for jobs, they invariably lost out because the capacity for hard work had deserted their bodies. I have seen with my own eyes that where a Hindu farmer could not lift up a sack of grain even after trying many times, a Muslim farmer could lift the same sack easily and carry it to its destination.

When people were being employed by the government to dig roads, Hindu farmers could not be employed because they could hardly work. They were weak and starved and had lost their digging implements too. Those who could use their hands were busy repairing their own huts so that they could have a roof over their heads. They were tense and worried and always sifting the burnt waste of their homes to see if they could find some item of value. They were busy too, trying to send their womenfolk to the camp at Lakhshmipur to ensure their safety. This was reality. Man could not trust his fellow man. He could not depend on his neighbours any more. This picture was so real that all our words of love and amity between Hindus and Muslims fell on deaf ears.

We would start working early at the camps and visited the places as instructed to survey the situation. We visited all homes – of all castes and creeds and all religions. We spoke mainly to the womenfolk and tried to find out about each member of the family and their state of physical and mental health. We tried to make friends with the babies, little boys and girls and the old people. In the Hindu families, we found only the menfolk and the aged. The women and youngsters had already been moved to the safe zone of the Lakhshmipur relief camp.

The old people of the Muslim families would joke with us. ‘We are poor too. But you don’t give us any relief.’ We used to explain, ‘They have been robbed, let us first give them some relief. But we are here for all of you. We shall certainly help if you need us.’ Many used to take our help too. The Muslim men, however, would not give us any help. The Hindu men were different. When we refused to drink the water from the green coconuts proffered by them for fear that they might need it more, they used to smile sadly. ‘Have the drink sister. These coconuts will anyway be stolen.’

They did not have even the bare necessities in their homes. And they were too poor to offer us the traditional offering of betel leaves and nuts, a must in all Indian homes. Those who lived in homes which had not been burnt did not have any utensils. They had aly`been stolen. They had made some makeshift plates out of the base of the betel trees. Their reed mats had been taken away too. When we returned to the camp, we spent some time looking after our own children and then sent off the people to carry medicines and carpenters and other helping hands to rebuild homes and bridges and treat the ill.

My duty was to prepare a proper report of our activities each day and contact the Union Board for the rehabilitation of people. Sneha’s job was to keep track of all those who came to call on us and sanction relief as was required, to the best of our ability. In the evenings, the camp would be crowded by the family members of people who had suffered during the riots. The leaders of majority communities would come too but after a few days their presence gradually diminished.

At this time, women and children who had no guardians were a source of worry. I tried to arrange safe transport for them to the camp at Lakhshmipur, the Kasturba Trust Ashram at Comilla or the Prabartak Sangha at Chattogram. Prabhat was the volunteer who most often took on this responsibility. If the group were large, I too would accompany them to safety.

Once, when we had gone to Parvatinagar for survey work, we found two abandoned babies. These two children were being brought up by a maternal uncle after their mother’s death. When their uncle’s house was raided, they had protested at being forced to change their religion. The incensed mob not only set their house on fire but put both their uncle and his wife into the fire.

The village people had in the meantime informed the Lakhshmipur police station and the then district magistrate, Mr. Mackeenarnee (ICS), had himself come with his team to examine the situation. A nephew and some other relatives led the magistrate to their burnt relatives. The bodies were severely burnt but they could still speak. Their last words were, ‘Please look after the two orphans.’ The DM then ordered that the two babies should be brought to me. The nephew brought the two children over. Of the two, while the boy could be taken on by Prabartak Ashram, I had to send the girl to Comilla. This gave me a lot of confidence. I had at last found a way to help the orphans and women who had no one else to look after them, to begin a new life.

When in Tumchar, travelling towards Lakhshmipur bazaar one day, I found a young lad near a bridge with a large brass bowl and a brass pitcher. I was a bit surprised. ‘What are you doing here with these huge brass vessels?’

‘My mother has told me to sell these at any price. We want to sell off all our things. We want to leave this place.’

‘But you still have things like these in your home. You were not robbed. Why will you leave?’

‘My father disappeared on the day of the riot. People say that he has been murdered and his body buried. These things were on a high shelf and escaped the eyes of the robbers.’

I went home with the boy. All his relatives had left. The boy had a younger brother. Their elder sister was married and lived elsewhere. I spoke to the mother. ‘What do you want to do?’

The woman was intelligent. ‘If I could put my two boys in an ashram so that they could continue with their studies, I can find some shelter for myself.’

Afflicted people were constantly moving from Chaumohani to Calcutta. All the districts had the same story to tell. My reach extended only up to Kasturba Trust or Abhay Ashram or as far as Prabartak Sangha. I asked the woman whether she would be able to stay in Chattogram in the care of Nellie Sengupta. She readily agreed.

I visited Chattogram with a couple of others in the middle of March. All these days I had not gone home because I had promised Gandhiji not to do so. I had to hand these people over to the AIWC. I decided that I would not go home but return by the night train. Sneha Kanjilal was amused. ‘Will your children let you off?’ I decided to go to Nellie Sengupta and put Kasturi in her care. Then nobody would be able to stop me from returning to the camp. That is what I didÉ

We knew that Gandhiji was dead against the partition of India. He had promised to return to Noakhali after taking care of the unrest in Bihar. He was confident that he would be able to establish amity between Hindus and Muslims here by his presence. When he left for Bihar on the first of March, he was happy at the work going on in Noakhali although he was disturbed by the incidents of forceful religious conversions, looting and riots. He went to Bihar to ensure that the minority Muslims there were not being treated like the minority Hindus in Noakhali. He was really hopeful that good sense would prevail among all.

At that time the work in Noakhali to rehabilitate hundreds of families had gained momentum and was in full swing. This had pleased Gandhiji. But it is one thing to work in his presence and another to work without him. It needed a lot of courage. Yet when he told us to keep up the good work, we were encouraged to carry on. We believed that normalcy and peace would return to this world one day.

When the riots in Bihar were controlled, fresh trouble broke out in Punjab. Gandhiji had to rush to Delhi. In the daily prayer meetings, his words of peace failed to draw takers. He began to realise how futile it all was. He was a lonely man, in deep pain and helpless. There was simply no hope of a change of heart among the people. Amid this empty loneliness, one day it was decided that India would be divided.

All our efforts in Noakhali came to naught. It broke our hearts. If the land was to be divided, then who belonged to whom and where? Who would listen to our words of unity and peaceful cohabitation? The hot and rash words of Suhrawardy uttered on 16 August 1946 started a chain reaction in Noakhali, Bihar and Punjab. The words of peace remained confined to Gandhiji and a handful of his followers.

The Exodus in the Bible describing the Jews leaving their motherland comes to mind. Yet I do not know whether anything as terrible as the partition of India has ever taken place in this world. Punjab was broken into two, the East and the West; Bengal too. People travelled in droves from East to West and from West to East. Nobody knows how many were involved, the figures could not be counted. Nobody knows of the people who went missing, the whereabouts of little daughters, sisters, wives.

We had lived together for years, side by side, yet we had not really known each other. I still don’t understand where the difference lies. If this had been an economic divide or a political one (like Germany) then maybe this could have been solved. Did Gandhiji know where the roots of the problem lay? I still hear his words of distress. ‘This is a bad dream. If we do not all work together, our motherland will be tortured indeed.’

He was unable to return to Noakhali. On the 30th of January 1948, he was forever silenced by the bullet of an assassin.

Draconic Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill, 2011 all set to seal fate of Hindus for eternity

There was indeed a time when Indian National Congress used to enjoy major support of the Hindu community and also the presence of a horde of venerable Hindu traditionalists within its fold. World has changed a lot by now but almost a radical change has taken place within Congress. It does not hold Hindus dear any longer but consider as its greatest adversary. If not, how can the upcoming Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill, 2011 be justified? If any commoner goes through the Bill, it’ll be clear to him that it’s a crime to be a Hindu in India. Truly, Congress-led UPA is transgressing and Hindus are its first and foremost prey.

As far as Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill, 2011 is concerned, if any communal riot takes place in any part of the country Hindus will be liable only. Reason? Hindus are the majority community in the country. The law, therefore, asserts that no minority group, be it of Christians or Muslims, can ever attack Hindus. The projected law also states that if there is any outbreak of communal riot in any part of India, Central Government of India would be able to send central security forces disregarding State Government’s views in that regard.

It is worthwhile to mention, in accordance with Constitution of India law and order is a state subject and certainly not a central issue. Hence, without the plea of the State Government or administration, no central force can ever enter the state. What’s more, only if law and order situation in any state breaks down or constitutional directives are not executed properly, Central Government talks to the Governor of the very state and based on the latter’s advice implement Article 356 to end the state administration and enforce President’s Rule. Central forces can be sent after that.

Will all these remain the same? Once Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill, 2011 is authorized, Central Government would become the one and only arbitrator. It will no longer have to consult State Administration for implementing President’s Rule but become able to send central or paramilitary forces like C.R.P.F., C.I.S.F. to the alleged disturbed areas single-handedly. The Bill, without doubt, is enough to astound any sane individual; federal structure in the Constitution of India is all set to be the worst victim.

According to Clause 7 of the proposed law, if there is sexual torture on woman of any minority community, it is certainly a crime. But the same torment on woman of the majority community will not be reckoned. Clause 8 states if any kind of hatred is depicted against people of minority community through writings or videos, it will be a crime. What’s if the same is done against Hindus? Law prefers to remain silent! Clause 10 – if anybody provides monetary assistance against minority people it is a serious offense, but there is no crime if there is financial aid against Hindus.

Clause 12 states if any government employee tortures or even harasses a minority person it’s a crime. Clause 13 and Clause 14 have been made to penalize government employees and police personnel if they fail to protect people of minority communities.

Let’s take note of Clause 15 of the proposed Bill, 2011. And this is certainly more heinous. It states with conviction – if the persecutor on a minority person is member of any organization, other members of the same organization will also be penalized. Clause 16 – even if there is no such instruction to persecute people of minority community by leaders of any organization but a member violates it, leaders will be criminated and reprimanded.

This is not the end, for sure. Authorization of Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill, 2011 will have no effect in Kashmir, especially in its six Muslim-majority districts containing 98% Muslims and 1% Hindus. Can you comprehend the reason? The law states 1% Hindu is majority while 98% Muslim is minority. Now let’s pay attention to other consequences of this law’s approval. Thanks to the law, people like Yasin Malik, Mufti and Gillani, in spite of delivering harangues or malicious lectures against Hindus and rendering scores of money to foment trouble, communal riots against Hindus, will remain safe on the whole. But people like Tapan Ghosh, Pramod Mutalik, dedicated to save Hindus, will be jailed frequently.

It has come to the knowledge that draft of the Bill has been prepared by a committee (selected by Sonia Gandhi), known as National Advisory Council, and is going to be tabled in the Parliament soon. None knows what is more in the Bill. But it is enough to slit throat of Hindus for eternity. Certainly Manmohan Singh, Prime Minster of India, will bring Sultan Mamud of Ghazni and Aurungzeb, into disrepute.

Strong Bengali Hindu Nationalist movement getting essential ever more

Religious persecution or Islamic atrocities on Hindus have been going on for centuries and the subject has got so common that a sizeable portion of Hindus has even got acquainted to it. And indeed this downbeat notion is engulfing other parts of Hindu society too. Nevertheless, detractors to all these do remain and these people remain responsible (also noteworthy) to foment Hindu psyche against mounting carnages. If we look at the history, this kind of people once became able to challenge the then rising Islamic domination and massacres across mediaeval India.

In the late 18 th century, following the Renaissance in Bengal and advent of Swami Vivekananda, Arya Samaj of Swami Dayananda Hindu manliness got stimulated yet again and this became evident with the rising number of anti-Islamic terror movements among Hindus and ultimately with the emergence of radical school of nationalism. The radical school of nationalism, destined to oust iniquitous British Empire, was spearheaded by Anushilan Samiti and Yugantar in Bengal, both influenced by clarion calls of Swami Vivekananda. The fire spread to the rest of India in later years. The fire was such that even the non-violence movement under the aegis of Mahatma Gandhi could not extinguish it ever.

Hindu nationalist movement, again, got a new incentive owing to the emergence of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Mahasabha in the national scenario. Cadres of both organizations expressed zeal, bravery and strength (par excellence) to save Hindus and counter Islamic attacks, in the days of partition of undivided India. But the question arises from here.

The movement (Hindu nationalist) having the potential to lead the country valiantly is having a gradual death. There have been immense sacrifices of Hindus for Dharma but all these have failed to institute a rich legacy of valor. All these are being perceived and surely, if anyone says the reverse, it is only a travesty of truth.

The situation of Bengali Hindus is more severe; the entire community is in a dwindling position in Bangladesh presently and with the passing of each day, Islamic tortures are increasing in Indian Bengal. There may be several reasons behind the absence of a Bengali Hindu Nationalist movement. But the most important is the dearth of an approach among Bengali Hindus to form a religious-linguistic individuality. Bengali Hindus, in short, have always looked forward to Aryavarta (modern Northern India) and have got raw deals only. Hence, there is no hope.

What can be done then? Even if it is painful, a new bastion of Bengali Hindu Nationalist movement has got to be built. The community has a rich population of 85,000,000 people worldwide, if not more and surely, it is more than enough to build up a nation. However, grave and perennial detrimental aspects of Hindus must be shunned before it. What surmounts others in this regard is the presence of ridiculous concept of democracy.

When there is the need of a perfect canon to save the entire community, strict and overbearing principles have to be executed. Conscription must also be given due concern and the Hindu religious factions (posing as greatest champions of humanity) must be expelled from political discourses. Anything that leads to impotence only must be stamped out straight away. It’s the time to impose people to believe – “It is not by the principles of humanity that man lives or is able to preserve himself above the animal world, but solely by means of the most brutal struggle”. Generation of manliness must be the priority so that Bengali Hindus can assert that there will thus be no longer any distinction between the citizen and the soldier, between the civilian and the man in uniform

Only this approach can save Bengali Hindus from outright extinction.

Will Nepal be a Hindu State again?

Nepal, one and only Hindu state across the globe even a few years back, is in a deep constitutional crisis these days and the rising turmoil along with adamant attitudes of Hindus there ascertain that consistent demands of various Hindu groups to restore Hindu State of Nepal may attain the objective. It is to be noted when only a few days are left to a constitutional crisis in Nepal Hindu groups have stepped up their demand for the reinstatement of a Hindu state. To make the movement more virile, protesters have called a national closure as part of their "Save the Cow" campaign.

It is needless to say that cow is sanctified in Hinduism and hence, its slaughter remains proscribed in Nepal despite change in constitutional character. The Hindu kingdom became secular in 2006 following a massive countrywide pro-democracy movement. Whatever it is, cow is national animal in the Himalayan kingdom of Nepal.

Only in the last week, World Hindu Federation (WHF), prominent Hindu group struggling for reinstatement of Hindu State of Nepal tooth and nail, arranged protest marches in Birgunj against continuing cow slaughters covertly, joined by hundreds of people. A new group called Independent Civil Traditional Youth Organisation Nepal has come to the fore. It has annunciated a national strike on upcoming May 27, 2011 and has asked people to observe the day as "The Holy Cow Preservation Day". As per the group, they would worship the cow in Lalitpur city, close to Katmandu, national capital, in public.

Here are some more imperative facts. Hindu anger is growing up when on earth Nepal is proceeding fast to a constitutional deadline on May 28. Both parliament and government were supposed to state a new constitution publicly on that day. But both have already admitted they would not be competent to meet the deadline. Considering the situation as a lifetime opportunity, an assortment of Nepali Hindu organizations have regenerated their hue and cry for a Hindu state.

Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal is the single party in parliament advocating the restoration of a Hindu state in conjunction with a Hindu king. The party also demands dissolution of the 601-seat parliament for its failure and annunciation of fresh elections to form a new house. King Gyanendra, erstwhile monarch of Nepal, is also in the clamor for a Hindu state and is learnt to seek advice from Hindu spiritual leaders.

New chapter in Hindu persecution in Bangladesh

Hindu persecution in Bangladesh perceived another unspeakable act when dominant Muslim land grabbers in the locality (supported by local chairman) assaulted a minority Hindu family recently. The incident occurred on April 17, 2011 at 7.00 pm in Rathura (village), P.S. Kaligunj, Dist: Gazipur. Kolpona Rani (40), Angona Rani (17) and Sushila Rani (31) – female members of the family were dishonored and were discovered nude by neighbors later on. Three women, at the moment, are undergoing medical treatments under the auspices of Bhola Nanda Giri Trust, Tikatuli.

However, there has never been any respite even after all these. Islamic crooks made several attempts to attack people, responsible for rescue of victims, and all these happened on April 20, 2011. Other victims of the family have become homeless, it is needles to say.

What has been the role of police in this regard? Local police station is already a bastion of Islamic hardliners and the rising influence of said criminals has made it biased completely. To downplay the incident, criminals have also lodged a complaint against the Hindu family. Police station has been found to coerce victims and ask them to settle the matter peacefully. There has not been any arrest of criminals yet.

According to victims, local police station has changed their date of "Ajahar" albeit it was submitted on April 22, 2011. Police started the case on April 25, 2011and accepted the false case of criminals on April 26, 2011.

Last but not least, there are some other features in this case as well. It has been learnt that land grabbers took hold of a Debottor Land along with a public cemetery last year and a pond has already been digged there. The entire area is worth 48 decimal. Local people are demanding stringent punishments of criminals and recovery of Debottor Land with the public cemetery.

To highlight the incident and ongoing Hindu persecutions in Bangladesh, Hindu Dhormio Shartho Songrakshan Sommilito Porishod (HDSSSP) organized a press conference in the Reporters Unity, Dhaka, Bangladesh on May 13, 2011.

What’s our take?

When this article is being written, two phases of the West Bengal State Assembly Election 2011 have already completed and the third is round the corner. The following ones will take place soon and the final result will come to the fore by the upcoming 14 th May. But this is not all; there is also a strong buzz across the state – 2011 election will witness downfall of the reigning Left Front.

Surely, if this gets true, there would be the rise of TMC (Trinamool Congress), strongest Left adversary at the moment. This is the law of nature – nothing remains vacant, all are replaced by the new ones.

Nevertheless there is another question as well. What would be the fate of Hindus in Bengal amidst all these? This question remains unanswered as usual, even if its positive or negative outcome would impact majority of the state’s populace. It is to be noted that religious persecution on Hindus in Bengal, with silent (often vocal too) support of political parties and effete state administration, is in full swing. Not a day passes when there is no torture on Hindus and all these are getting intense more and more.

Can there be any benefit to Hindus then? This is the most disregarded issue though of no less importance. Hindus, as a whole, were in a stable position till the advent of Left Front in 1977, responsible for exponential demographic changes, especially in the border districts of Bengal. Their fate began to be sealed from 80s and the cat is out of the bag by now. TMC has also become a part of this culture and truly, a war is going on between the two to woo Muslims.

No organization or political party is even ready to reckon Bengali Hindus and this, beyond any doubt, is due to incapacity, lack of assertion and frame of mind to struggle of the community. Both general people and principally Hindus have forgotten that Hindus do also have the right to exist and its existence is at stake within 65 years of the nation’s independence.

What can be done in this terrible situation? Hindus have just two strategies – either to steer clear of election en masse or opt for tactical voting. Is any of these two possible? To be precise, even if Hindus go for the next one, there can’t be any relief once and for all. Bengali Hindus have got to be aggressive and not defensive any longer and plunge into the ensuing struggle.

Notably, during partition, there were 55 Muslims against 45 Hindus among every 100 Bengalis in the Indian subcontinent. The situation has changed drastically by now and against 30 Hindus, there are 70 Muslims at the moment. The situation is clear by now – either struggle or perish for the eternity.

The election is of no issue to Bengali Hindus; it has no take on the whole. Well, if tactical voting is used, it can be useful to some extent. But to do the same, there is the need of moral fiber and strength.

Are you ready?

Kashmiri Pandits must become hawkish to procure citizenship in Kashmir

One fact must be made clear in the beginning. Plights of Kashmiri Hindus, generally identified as Pandits, even if known across India but in a cloak-and-dagger mode, happen to be one of the most disregarded catastrophes in the realm of South Asia and as a result, their anguishes unlike their Muslim counterparts have failed to draw in the attention of global intelligentsia and human rights bodies. There can be several other factors behind this apart from the religious persecution and exodus of Pandits from the Kashmir valley owing to Islamic extremism initiating in 1989 leading to imbecility and befuddlement. Audacious leadership among Hindus has always been the greatest casualty.

Pandits have taken shelter in Delhi and Jammu and are struggling immensely to keep their customs and traditions alive. It is to be noted that there are less than 4,000 Pandits still in the valley and up to 400,000 Hindus either fled or were driven out from Kashmir by the end of 1980s. What will be their fate then? Would they continue to languish as refugee in their own land? Future remains unknown yet but it’s sure unless Pandits group themselves and plunge into an active struggle there is no hope at all.

Struggle or a vigorous attempt to attain the objective can be of different forms; it’s not necessary to be violent all the time. It can also be to establish own identity through claiming back own cherished properties and none more than temple can be dearer to a Hindu.

Fortunately, a section of Pandits is engaged with the same at the moment. In accordance with Mr. Sanjay Tickoo, president of the Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti, an NGO, following mass departure of Pandits, more or less 98 per cent of the temples were not attended. Only 23 temples have remained in unremitting use. The NGO, at the moment, is trying its best to restore other temples too and preserve the community’s rich tradition continuing from a remote past thus.

The question remains whether they can have the support of Muslims to make the dream fulfilled. As per both Muslims and Hindus, whether it is fraternity or interactions between people, everything remains better at the personal level. Same was the situation during pre-militancy era in Kashmir and nothing has changed in all these years. And surely it is getting more difficult; Islamic militancy in Kashmir has been inherited by the present generation and inheritance can never be compromised.

What is the way then? Benevolence and gentle stances of Kashmiri Hindus can never resolve problems. They have to make an all-India confederation with like-minded organizations like Hindu Samhati in Bengal and others hailing from various states. No demand is ever met without struggle and unless it becomes hawkish, there is no hope.